"Polish Social-Democrats resolutely and solemnly protest against the carving up and parcelling out of a whole country ". revolutionary struggle of the English workers that Marx in 1869 demanded Thirdly, the semi-colonial countries, like China, Persia, Turkey, and street demonstrations and revolutionary mass action -- Russian socialists who do not demand freedom to separate for Finland, Poland, the Ukraine, etc., etc. right up to and including the direct onslaught of the They express the conviction that only participation in the approaching struggle of the international revolutionary proletariat, the struggle for socialism, "will break the fetters of national oppression and destroy all forms of foreign rule, will ensure for the Polish people the possibility of free all-round development as an equal member of a concord of nations". (Bulletin of the International Socialist Committee No. . 8. Without this it is impossible to defend the independent policy of the proletariat and their class solidarity with the proletariat of other countries in face of all manner of intrigues, treachery and trickery on the part of the bourgeoisie. * Reference is often made -- e.g., recently by the German chauvinist Lensch in Die Glocke[58] Nos. Here it was the twentieth century that particularly developed the bourgeois-democratic national movements and intensified the national struggle. Printed in Russian in October 1916 These propositions do not differ in substance from recognition of the right of nations to self-determination, although their political formulations are even vaguer and more indeterminate than those of most programmes and resolutions of the Second International. Socialism and the Right of Oppressed Nations to Self-Determination Reflections on African-American history and the national question in the U.S. By Abayomi Azikiwe Editor, Pan-African News Wire Note: The following address was delivered at an African-American History Month public forum held in Detroit on February 20, 2010. The proletariat of the oppressor nation's must not confine themselves to general, stereotyped phrases against annexation and in favour of the equality of nations in general, such as any pacifist bourgeois will repeat. TO SELF-DETERMINATION AND ITS RELATION [13] [...] SELF-DETERMINATION OF NATIONS Our Party, re-established in January 1912, adopted a resolution in 1913[60] reaffirming the right to self-determination and explaining it in precisely the above concrete sense. one of these "great" nations oppresses other nations both in the colonies and at home. The proletariat of the oppressor nation's must not confine themselves to general, stereotyped phrases against annexation and in favour of the equality of nations in general, such as any pacifist bourgeois will repeat. Secondly, Eastern Europe: Austria, the Balkans and particularly Russia. secession of Norway from Sweden in 1905). of nations. (3) the necessity of drawing a distinction between the concrete tasks of Christian reconciliation to Austerlitz, a representative of Russian translation in the symposium The International and the War, p. 2, September 27, 1915, p. 15. page 156 and inevitable fact. In 1848 and the following years these general interests consisted primarily in combating tsarism. The introduction into the International of the viewpoint of certain small nations, especially that of the Polish Social-Democrats, who have been led by their struggle against the Polish bourgeoisie, which deceives the people with its nationalist slogans, to the incorrect denial of self-determination, would be a theoretical mistake, a substitution of Proudhonism for Marxism implying in practice involuntary support for the most dangerous chauvinism and opportunism of the Great-Power nations. like lackeys of the blood-and-mud-stained imperialist monarchies and the page 155 There is not a single democratic demand which could not serve, The petty bourgeoisie had put forward not only the demand for the self-determination of nations but all the points of our democratic minimum programme long before, as far back as the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The most difficult and most important task in this is to unite the class struggle of the workers of the oppressor nations with that of the workers of the oppressed nations. That is the exact nature of the utopia of a peaceful union of equal nations under imperialism which deceives the people and which is defended by Kautsky's followers. The decision of the London International Socialist Congress of 1896, which recognised the self-determination of nations, should be supplemented on the basis of the above theses by specifying: (1) the particular urgency of this demand under imperialism, (2) the political conventionalism and class content of all the demands of political democracy, the one under discussion included, (3) the necessity to distinguish the concrete tasks of the Social-Democrats of the oppressor nations from those of the Social-Democrats of the commercial works. -- that such socialists act as chauvinists and lackeys of bloodstained and filthy imperialist monarchies and the imperialist bourgeoisie. The tasks of the proletariat of these ruling nations are the same as those of the proletariat in England in the nineteenth century in relation to Ireland. oppressed nations, (4) the inconsistent, purely verbal recognition of self-determination by the opportunists and the Kautskyites, which is, therefore, hypocritical in its political significance, (5) the actual identity of the chauvinists and those Social-Democrats, especially those of the Great Powers (Great Russians, Anglo-Americans, Germans, French, Italians, Japanese, etc:), who do not uphold the freedom to secede for colonies and nations oppressed by "their own" nations, (6) the necessity to subordinate the struggle for the demand under discussion and for all the basic demands of political democracy directly to the revolutionary mass struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeois governments and for the achievement of socialism. They are still putting them all forward in a utopian manner because they fail to see the class struggle and its increased intensity under democracy, and because they believe in "peaceful" capitalism. page 155 The tension between self-determination and territorial integrity is hence mediated according to the particulars in each case. 8. As for annexations, the question has become particularly urgent in connection with the war. page 152 oppressed the question of secession by means of a referendum of the nation that desires . 3. 6. The socialist revolution may begin in the very near future. They express the conviction that only participation in the approaching struggle of the international revolutionary proletariat, the struggle for socialism, "will break the fetters of national oppression and destroy all forms of foreign rule, will ensure for the Polish people the possibility of free all-round development as an equal member of a concord of nations". There are two main trends on the self-determination of nations among the social chauvinists, that is, among the opportunists and Kautskyites, who hide the imperialist, reactionary nature of the war by applying to it the "defence of the fatherland" concept. Zeit, May 21, 1915); they do not advocate the need for revolutionary tactics, One could not have wished for a better self-exposure of Kautskyism! The most difficult and most important task in this is to unite the class struggle of the workers of the oppressor nations with that of the workers of the oppressed nations. Central Committee and Party officials, which was held at Poronin, near Cracow, on October 6-14, 1913. they make it easier to deceive the people, they evade precisely the question * In some small states which have kept out of the war of 1914-16 -- Holland and Switzerland, for example -- the bourgeoisie makes extensive use of the "self-determination of nations" slogan to justify participation in the imperialist war. page 148 On the other hand, in contrast to the Proudhonists who "denied" the national problem "in the name of social revolution", Marx, mindful in the first place of the interests of the proletarian class struggle in the advanced countries, put the fundamental principle of internationalism and socialism in the foreground -- namely, that no nation can be free if it oppresses other nations. federation.”[10] of internationalism. 7. In practice, the proletariat can retain its independence only by subordinating its struggle for all democratic demands, not excluding the demand for a republic, to its revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. The declaration recognises that "for the Poles " the war is "doubly fratricidal". This does not imply, however, that Social Democracy Central Organ of the R.S.D.L.P. THREE TYPES OF COUNTRIES WITH RESPECT street demonstrations and revolutionary mass action -- Russian socialists who do not demand freedom to separate for Finland, Poland, the Ukraine, etc., etc. demands without exception not as an absolute, but as a historical expression Only in this way could he counterpose the opportunists and bourgeois reformism -- which even to this day, half a century later, has not carried out the Irish "reform" -- with a revolutionary solution of the given historical task. for Finland, Poland, the Ukraine, etc., etc.—are behaving like chauvinists, The declaration condemns the German and other governments that regard the "Polish regions" as a pawn in the forthcoming compensation game, "depriving the Polish people of the opportunity of deciding their own fate themselves ". The aim of socialism is not only to end the division of mankind into tiny states and the isolation of nations in any form, it is not only to bring the nations closer together but to integrate them. page 149 One could not have wished for a better self-exposure of Kautskyism! "Polish Social-Democrats resolutely and solemnly protest against the carving up and parcelling out of a whole country ". Reference is often made–e.g., recently by the German [...] page 148 Nationalism, Self-determination and Socialist Revolution. especially for the Socialists in the oppressing nations, but, on the contrary, Hence, in Western Europe and in the United States of For reasons of secrecy it was known as the "Summer" or "August" Meeting. Central Organ of R.S.D.L.P. Comrade Gorter, in his excellent pamphlet Imperialism, War and Social-Democracy wrongly rejects the principle of self-determination of nations, but correctly applies it, when he demands the immediate granting of "political and national independence" to the Dutch Indies and exposes the Dutch opportunists who refuse to put forward this demand and to fight for it. One may be a determined opponent of that principle and a champion of democratic centralism but still prefer federation to national inequality as the only way to full democratic centralism. Since then the Polish Social-Democrats have on no occasion repeated, in the name of their party, the proposal to remove Clause 9 from our Party's Programme, or to replace it by some other formula. The tasks of the proletariat in these countries, both in completing their bourgeois-democratic reforms, and rendering assistance to the socialist revolution in other countries, cannot be carried out without championing the right of nations to self-determination. page 153 This will be the time for the revolutionary education of the masses in a spirit that will make it impossible for socialist-chauvinists and opportunists to belong to the working-class party and gain a victory, as was the case in 1914-16. Postscript. On the other hand, we see the Kautskyites, among whom are Vandervelde, Renaudel, many pacifists in Britain and France, and others. In contrast to the petty-bourgeois democrats, Marx regarded every democratic demand without exception not as an absolute, but as an historical expression of the struggle of the masses of the people, led by the bourgeoisie, against feudalism. but fight against the forcible retention of the oppressed nations within the national problem “in the name of the social revolution,” Marx, having secession for the colonies and for Ireland; that German Socialists who Such a phrase is fundamentally false and incompatible with Marxism. Marx was right to condemn the former and defend the latter. 276-78 and pp. This includes Cunow, Parvus and the extreme opportunists in Germany, some of the Fabians and trade union leaders in England, and the opportunists in Russia: Semkovsky, Liebman, Yurkevich, etc. In practice, the proletariat can retain its independence only by subordinating its struggle for all democratic demands, not excluding the demand for a republic, to its revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. all the rest, is fundamentally wrong in theory. They express the conviction that only participation in the approaching struggle of the international revolutionary proletariat, the struggle for socialism, "will break the fetters of national oppression and destroy all forms of foreign rule, will ensure for the Polish people the possibility of free all-round development as an equal member of a concord of nations". It is quite easy to see that a protest against annexations either boils down to recognition of the self-determination of nations or is based on the pacifist phrase that defends the status quo and is hostile to any, even revolutionary, violence. The rampage of Great-Russian chauvinism in 1914-16 both among the bourgeoisie and among the opportunist socialists (Rubanovich, Plekhanov, Nashe Dyelo, etc.) republicanism.[1]. A frame-up trial instituted in 1894 by reactionary royalist circles among the French militarists against Dreyfus, a Jewish officer of the General Staff, who was falsely accused of espionage and high treason. Our Party, re-established in January 1912, adopted a resolution in 1913[60] reaffirming the right to self-determination and explaining it in precisely the above concrete sense. In 1848 and the following years these general interests consisted primarily in combating tsarism. Democracy, of course, is also a form of state which must disappear when the state disappears, but that will only take place in the transition from conclusively victorious and consolidated socialism to full communism. The fact that the struggle for national liberation against one imperialist power may, under certain conditions, be utilised by another "great" power for its own, equally imperialist, aims, is just as unlikely to make the Social Democrats refuse to recognise the right of nations to self determination as the numerous cases of bourgeois utilisation of republican slogans for the purpose of political deception and financial plunder (as in the Romance countries, for example) are unlikely to make the Social-Democrats reject their republicanism. It implies only a consistent expression of struggle against all national oppression. THE CONCRETE TASKS OF THE PROLETARIAT the struggle for every kind of fundamental, democratic demand, revolution, or obscure, or overshadow it, etc. The introduction into the International of the viewpoint of certain small nations, especially that of the Polish Social-Democrats, who have been led by their struggle against the Polish bourgeoisie, which deceives the people with its nationalist slogans, to the incorrect denial of self-determination, would be a theoretical mistake, a substitution of Proudhonism for Marxism implying in practice involuntary support for the most dangerous chauvinism and opportunism of the Great-Power nations. The socialists must exp]ain to the masses that British socialists who do not demand freedom to separate for the colonies and Ireland, German socialists who do not demand freedom to separate for the colonies, the Alsatians, Danes and Poles, and who do not extend their revolutionary propaganda and revolutionary mass activity directly to the sphere of struggle against national oppression, or who do not make use of such incidents as that at Zabern for the broadest illegal propaganda among the proletariat of the oppressor nation, for street demonstrations and revolutionary mass action -- Russian socialists who do not demand freedom to separate for Finland, Poland, the Ukraine, etc., etc. as for all the fundamental demands of political democracy, to the immediate the bourgeoisie, is on the order of the day. The declaration recognises that "for the Poles " the war is "doubly fratricidal". self-determination) Russian translation in the symposium The International and the War, p. inevitable merging of nations only by passing through the transition period This domination of finance capital, however, does not in the least nullify the significance of political democracy as a freer, wider and clearer form of class oppression and class struggle. who maintain silence about the nations which are oppressed by “their” nation small nations—particularly the point of view of the Polish Social-Democrats, power may, under certain circumstances, be utilized by another “Great” [55] It was from the standpoint of the interests of the German workers' revolutionary movement that Marx in 1848 demanded that victorious democracy in Germany should proclaim and grant freedom to the nations oppressed by the Germans. The differences between the revolutionary Social-Democrats of Russia and the Polish Social-Democrats on the question of self-determination came out into the open as early as 1903, at the Congress which adopted the Programme of the R.S.D.L. political sense. It is quite easy to see that a protest against annexations either boils down to recognition of the self-determination of nations or is based on the pacifist phrase that defends the status quo and is hostile to any, even revolutionary, violence. of nations in general, that may be repeated by any pacifist bourgeois. 9. The rampage of Great-Russian chauvinism in 1914-16 both among the bourgeoisie and among the opportunist socialists (Rubanovich, Plekhanov, Nashe Dyelo, etc.) * Reference is often made -- e.g., recently by the German chauvinist Lensch in Die Glocke[58] Nos. It is from this division that our definition of the “right of nations to self-determination” must follow, a definition that is consistently democratic, revolutionary, and in accord with the general task of the immediate struggle for socialism. Marx was right to condemn the former and defend the latter. TO THE SELF-DETERMINATION OF NATIONS movement of the German workers that Marx in 1898 demanded that victorious serve, in practice, as a bulwark of Great-Russian chauvinism and tsarism. Specifically, this demand for political democracy implies complete freedom to agitate for secession and for a referendum on secession by the seceding nation. There are two main trends on the self-determination of nations among the social chauvinists, that is, among the opportunists and Kautskyites, who hide the imperialist, reactionary nature of the war by applying to it the "defence of the fatherland" concept. Marxism arrives at the recognition of defence of the fatherland, for example, IN THE IMMEDIATE FUTURE The tasks of the proletariat in these countries, both in completing their bourgeois-democratic reforms, and rendering assistance to the socialist revolution in other countries, cannot be carried out without championing the right of nations to self-determination. . Any attempt to express these ideas as precise political formulations and to define their applicability to the capitalist system or only to the socialist system will show even more clearly the mistake the Polish Social-Democrats make in denying the self-determination of nations. 97.) Otherwise, the internationalism of the proletariat would be nothing but empty words; neither confidence nor class solidarity would be possible between the workers of the oppressed and the oppressor nations, the hypocrisy of the reformists and Kautskyites, who defend self-determination but remain silent about the nations oppressed by "their own" nation and kept in "their own" state by force, would remain unexposed. page 148 In Russia, where the oppressed nations account for no less than 57 per cent of the population, or over 100 million, where they occupy mostly the border regions, where some of them are more highly cultured than the Great Russians, where the political system is especially barbarous and medieval, where the bourgeois-democratic revolution has not been consummated -- there, in Russia, recognition of the right of nations oppressed by tsarism to free secession from Russia is absolutely obligatory for Social-Democrats, for the furtherance of their democratic and socialist aims. It is possible, however, that five, ten or more years will elapse before the socialist revolution begins. Comrade Gorter, in his excellent pamphlet Imperialism, War and Social-Democracy wrongly rejects the principle of self-determination of nations, but correctly applies it, when he demands the immediate granting of "political and national independence" to the Dutch Indies and exposes the Dutch opportunists who refuse to put forward this demand and to fight for it. has given us even more reason to insist on this demand and to regard those who deny it as actual supporters of Great-Russian chauvinism and tsarism. As far back as October 1916, in his article, “ The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up,”3 Lenin said that the main point of the national question, the right to self-determination, had ceased to be a part of the general democratic movement, that it had already become a component part of the general proletarian, socialist revolution. 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